With respect to the results of the measurement of affective components, all elements of the satisfaction scale had a different frequency distribution and can well distinguish between people with high and low values of the latent life satisfaction score (alphas 1.74 to 4.50). In addition, some items had different difficulty (beta) settings for each specific response option. For example, participants were relatively less likely to choose the highest point on the Likert scale (7 = strongly agree) when they rated the statement at point 5 (« If I could live my life, I would hardly change anything ») and more sensitive to this answer when they rated the statement at point 3 (« I am satisfied with my life »). In this context, studies using CTT methods suggest that the fifth element of the scale often has factor loads and item-total correlations lower than those of the first four elements of the scale (e.B. Senécal et al., 2000; see also our CFA analysis for this scale, which reproduces these results in additional material). We agree with Pavot and Diener (2008), who suggested that, since this specific point strongly involves a cursory assessment in recent years, reactions to it might involve different cognitive memory than responses to elements that involve, for example, a temporal summary (e.g., .B. point 3: « I am satisfied with my life »). In addition, the few studies that use the IRT methodology, as in our study, show that the fifth point is slightly different from the other four elements of the scale, making comparisons based on raw values in certain populations misleading (p.. B e.g. Vittersø et al., 2005; Oishi, 2006). Moreover, when evaluating point 1 (« In most cases, my life is close to my ideal »), participants were relatively more likely to choose the lowest point on the Likert scale (1 = strongly disagree) and less sensitive to this answer when they rated point 4 (« So far, I`ve gotten the important things I want in life »).
We interpret this as participants who do not see « getting the important things in my life » as equivalent to being close to their own self-imposed ideal, which is by definition how life satisfaction was conceived (Diener et al., 1985; Poppy and Diener, 1993, 2008). This suggests that responses to these points will have an impact on the psychometric characteristics of the life satisfaction scale and on comparisons between groups based on the raw values of the scale (cf. Oishi, 2006). In this line, CTT methods suggest that a life satisfaction score of 20 is the neutral point on the scale, while a score between 5 and 9 indicates that the respondent is extremely dissatisfied with life. Scores between 15 and 19 are interpreted as slightly dissatisfied, scores between 21 and 25 are slightly satisfied, and scores between 31 and 35 indicate that the respondent is extremely satisfied with life (Poppy and Servant, 2008). In contrast, our IRT analysis suggests a score of 22.30 as a neutral point on the scale and that 95% of participants are in the scores of 6.35-33.60. Therefore, the IRT could be useful for creating normative data for this and the other scale. Persoskie A, Ferrer RA, Nelson WL, Klein WM. Perceptions of precancerous risk predict subjective well-being after cancer.
Health psychology. 2014;33(9):1023. Veenhoven (1997, p. 34) describes it in the same way: « how [life] feels good, how it meets expectations, how desirable it is considered, etc. » A number of areas are thought to contribute to subjective well-being. In a study by Hribernik and Mussap (2010), it was found that leisure satisfaction predicts a unique variance in life satisfaction and supports its inclusion as a distinct area of life that contributes to subjective well-being.  In addition, relational status interacted with age group and sex due to differences in leisure satisfaction. However, the relationship between leisure satisfaction and life satisfaction was reduced when the effects of the central effect (underlying mood state) are taken into account. This suggests that leisure satisfaction may be influenced primarily by an individual`s subjective well-being, represented by the central effect.
This has implications for possible limitations to the extent that leisure satisfaction can be improved beyond the well-being and mood already existing in individuals. Although Westerners report higher levels of subjective well-being than Easterners, they are also more likely to have reports of depression.  Different beliefs about self-expression help explain what may seem paradoxical at first glance. Westerners tend to encourage individual expression, which leads to a greater focus on their own emotions. This increased self-awareness is combined with the normative belief that joy should be more frequent than sadness. People living in these conditions can make their own negative emotions catastrophic; Feel increased sadness from the fact that they are not happy right now or that they are often happy.  Orientals tend to care more about collective feelings than about their own individual feelings. They usually do not disaster their sadness and learn to sweep it away. In Western cultures, predictors of happiness include elements that support personal independence, a sense of personal agency, and self-expression. In Eastern cultures, predictors of happiness focus on an interdependent self that is inextricably linked to meaningful others.
Compared to people in individualistic cultures, people in collectivist cultures base their assessment of life satisfaction on how other important people rate their lives rather than on the balance of inner emotions experienced as pleasant and unpleasant. Pleasurable emotional experiences have a stronger social component in East Asian cultures than in Western cultures. For example, Japanese people are more likely to associate happiness with engaging interpersonal emotions (such as friendly feelings), while in the United States are more likely to associate happiness with emotions of interpersonal division (pride, for example).  There are also cultural differences in the motives and goals associated with happiness. For example, Asian Americans tend to experience greater happiness after achieving goals that are loved or approved by other important people compared to European Americans. There is also evidence that high self-esteem, a sense of self-control, and a constant sense of identity are more strongly linked to SWB in Western cultures than in Eastern cultures. .